Arpit Kanodia made some interesting comments on August 6, 2026:
"I think that's giving the U.S. far more credit than the historical record supports.
The one major exception was in the 1950s and 1960s under the Atoms for Peace framework, when Canada supplied the CIRUS reactor (with U.S.-supplied heavy water) and later CANDU-derived technology was made available for India's civilian nuclear program. Ironically, the plutonium produced in CIRUS was used for the 1974 Smiling Buddha test.
But after the 1972 Nixon-Mao rapprochement
and India's 1974 nuclear test, Washington's policy shifted dramatically. The
U.S. backed the creation of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, tightened export
controls, and spent the next three decades trying to restrict India's access to
nuclear technology. [Until accepted by President Obama in 2010.]
It's also worth remembering the strategic situation India faced. By the early
1980s, there were credible reports that Pakistan had cold-tested a nuclear
device, and by the late 1980s its nuclear weapons program was widely understood
to be nearing completion. At the same time, China had already been a nuclear
power for two decades. India was facing the prospect of two nuclear-armed
adversaries.
PM Rajiv Gandhi is often remembered for the IPKF debacle, but one of the most
consequential decisions of his tenure was pushing forward the weaponization
effort and preserving India's nuclear option. That laid much of the groundwork
for what followed.
The 1990s were an especially difficult period. India was dealing with
insurgencies in Kashmir and the Northeast, militancy in Punjab in the preceding
years, a severe balance-of-payments crisis, and sustained U.S. pressure under
the Clinton administration to cap or roll back its nuclear program and sign the
CTBT. Despite all that, Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao kept the program alive while simultaneously liberalising the economy and restoring India's
strategic position. Many also credit him with authorising preparations for
nuclear testing in 1995, which were reportedly deferred [until 1998] after U.S. satellites
detected activity.
It's entirely possible that U.S. intelligence knew a great deal about India's
nuclear program [especially through HumInt] that's what intelligence agencies do. But knowing about it is
very different from permitting or supporting it. With the exception of the
early civilian nuclear cooperation that unintentionally benefited India's
program, the historical record after the 1970s is overwhelmingly one of
technology denial, sanctions, and diplomatic pressure rather than quiet
approval.
As for Pakistan, the case for quiet tolerance is far more plausible - anyone who
has studied A.Q. Khan's procurement network can't help but wonder how such an
extensive operation was allowed to function for so long during the Cold War. [Pete Comment: A case of US strategy to balance the nuclear weapon capabilities of India, China and Pakistan.]
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